RESEARCH

F ar better than the Congress, much less than liberal economics, but an urge to push it within the confines of political realism — that is how the Modi government’s performance can be summarised. Liberals who supported the Bharatiya janata Party’s campaign in the hope of a revival of the national economy, but who are not in touch with functionaries of the government, have had occasions of despair. Why so many foreign trips? Why has one minister been entrusted with two of the most important portfolios, both of which demand full-time involvement? Why no thrust on Hindutva? These are some of the FAQs the government must live with. After meeting some economists the prime minister trusts, I sought to allay concerns of the Right-of-Centre supporters of the party on Facebook. In the group Youth for democracy, I wrote, “… the new dispensation is severely short of intellectuals, one of whom can replace him (Arun Jaitley) in the Finance Ministry. It is not politically feasible to bring som

What the permission given to farmers to sell their produce outside APMC markets of Delhi means, and how much farther the capital and the rest of India must travel to ensure fair competition in the market and, thus, higher prices for the farmer but reduced prices for the consumer O n Tuesday, Lieutenant Governor of Delhi Najeeb Jung, in consultation with the Centre, approved the proposal to cease regulation of marketing of fruits and vegetables in the market area beyond the principal yard and sub-yard at three vegetable mandi s — aka APMC markets — in the city. That is, the selling has to be conducted outside the confines of the three established dalal markets at Azadpur, Keshopur and Shahdara. Azadpur mandi traders during a strike in February 2014 The amendment in the rules would also lift the bar on establishment of new markets by other players like co-operative societies, Kisan Mandi s, NAFED, Mother Dairy, Safal etc. bringing competition in the marketing of fruits and

Those who want him in haste will regret their wish in leisure [This view was revised subsequently following further study of the  Gujarat model; view the author's comments at the end of the article.] It's now an undeniable fact that Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi favours a handful of industrialists at the expense of other bidders. By making business smooth for them, the areas where they operate shine in the short-term. Then complaints of unfair competition start pouring in.  Vibrant Gujarat Global Summit 2013 This can no longer be pooh-poohed as a politically motivated speculation. How Modi bent the rules for a handful of cronies is now a part of the report by the Comptroller & Auditor General (CAG) of India on Gujarat. "Gujarat State Petronet Ltd (GSPL) was responsible for deviating from the agreed terms of recovery of gas transportation charges from the specified entry point of the company's pipeline network and this led to passing of un

Akshay Marathe and Mayank Gandhi Raising hope or fear? T he Gujarat growth model, being marketed by Narendra Modi is being seen by the middle class as a solution to all the problems of the nation. We intend to understand its strengths and weaknesses and indicate a constructive alternative model of growth. This article is Part 1 of a three part series on Narendra Modi’s Gujarat model. While it cannot be denied that Gujarat has seen growth in terms of water, electricity and good roads, there are some aspects of growth that need to be analysed. One of the argument for the Modi growth model is the legitimacy it gets due to 3 consecutive electoral victories. Congress has been ruling India for 60 years, CPM had been ruling WB for over 30 years, Lalu had won 3 terms. We do not subscribe to electoral success begetting good governance. Historical perspective Gujarat has seen high growth rates for the last 20 years, even before Modi came into the picture